钓鱼岛最新消息：华尔街日报呼吁奥巴马承认钓鱼岛属日本

钓鱼岛最新消息：美国发行量最大的报纸《华尔街日报》10月31日发表题为“钓鱼岛回旋镖”的社论，导语是“日本需要美国支持，对抗中国的欺凌”。社论完全站在日本立场，包括全程称钓鱼岛为“尖阁诸岛”。需要注意的是，与撰稿人所写的评论不同，社论并不署名，代表媒体立场而非个人意见。

美国《华尔街日报》社论声称“钓鱼岛主权属于日本”

该社论称，中国维护钓鱼岛主权的行为起到了反效果，不仅强化了美国与日本的同盟关系，同时也使得日本和美国一道，被东南亚各国视为“和平保护者”，并让世界怀疑中国和平崛起的承诺。

社论指出，中日两国围绕钓鱼岛主权问题“发生事故、误判、擦枪走火的危险性正在高涨”，日本展示自己的政治决意和军事能力的重要性也越来越大。

社论还称，美国在二战后从日本手上取得了对钓鱼岛的控制权，上世纪70年代初归还日本，有效确定了岛屿的主权问题。

文章呼吁，奥巴马政府有关钓鱼岛属于日本的表态越明确，北京作出让步的可能性就越大。

美国官方此前对钓鱼岛的立场一直含糊，虽然表示适用日美安保条约，但也多次强调在此问题上不持立场。

日本新闻网评论称，这是2012年9月日本政府“购岛”以来，美国主流媒体首次通过社论明确提出“尖阁诸岛主权属于日本”，并要求美国政府公开承认。最近一段时间，日本政府通过散发资料和传播视频等手段，强化了在国际社会对于钓鱼岛主权问题的宣传。这可以认为是日本政府游说美国社会的一次成功。

《华尔街日报》的这篇社论是其一周内第二次因钓鱼岛问题引发关注。26日，《华尔街日报》对日本首相安倍晋三进行了专访。安倍在采访中称，日本可以成为“制衡中国”的“舵手”。安倍称，“人们担心中国试图以武力，而不是通过法律途径改变现状。如果中国选择这样的道路，中国将不会和平崛起。”

2012年7月27日，正在为“购岛”造势的日本东京都政府曾在《华尔街日报》上大篇幅刊登“购买钓鱼岛”的主题广告，广告内容中甚至出现了“如果不支持与中国对峙的亚洲国家，美国将会在太平洋失去一切”等威胁性说法。

以下为《华尔街日报》评论原文：

中国领导人可能认为通过频繁向钓鱼岛（原文为“尖阁列岛”，下同）周边的日本领土派出舰船和飞机，可能使日本屈服于中方的要求。但中方的骚扰和威胁策略起到了相反的效果，而且还远不止于此。

日本首相安倍晋三已团结日本人来保护他们的领土主权，他可能将成功重新解读日本宪法，允许日本行使集体自卫权。中国对約鱼岛的威胁强化了日本与美国的联盟，两国本月早些时候同意加强军事关系，包括在日本部署美国的海上监视飞机和第二部反导雷达。

日本还加强了与东南亚国家的关系。面对霸权的中国，更小的地区国家已开始视日本和美国为潜在的和平保护者。

刚刚完成东南亚之行的安倍在接受《华尔街日报》采访时表示，他愿意担负起更多的领导角色，还向中国发出警告。他说：“人们担心中国正企图用武力来改变目前态势，而不是通过法制。但如果中国选择那条道路，那么它将无法和平崛起。”

日本防卫大臣小野寺五典随后发布了更加明显的言论，10月29日，他指责中国每周超过一次向钓鱼岛海域派出海警船的行为威胁和平。他说：“我认为中国闯入钓鱼岛水域日本领海的行为是介于和平时期和紧急事态之间的灰色地带。”

日本已开始进行两栖演习，模拟了保卫或者重新夺取钓鱼岛的军事行动。日本预计将组建一个负责此类军事行动的新部队。

现在的危险在于，每次中国人进入钓鱼岛附近，发生事故、误判、甚至擦枪走火的可能性都在增加。这使日本展示其政治决心和军事实力显得更加重要，但日本不能独自应对。美国在二战后从日本手上取得了对钓鱼岛的控制权，上世纪70年代初归还日本，有效确定了岛屿的主权问题。奥巴马政府有关钓鱼岛属于日本的表态越明确，北京作出让步的可能性就越大。

长期来看，日本和中国可能通过冻结现状、把争端交由未来解决的方法来化解分歧。这是中国前领导人邓小平的看法，现任领导人习近平追随这些步伐可能会收到好的效果，否则中国将与其邻国进一步疏远，使人们怀疑中国和平崛起的承诺和希望。

以下为《华尔街日报》社论英文原文

The Senkaku Boomerang

Japan needs U.S. support against Chinese bullying.

China’s leaders may have thought that by frequently dispatching ships and planes into Japan’s territory around the tiny Senkaku Islands they would cause Tokyo to bow to their demands. Instead, their strategy of harassment and intimidation has accomplished the opposite—and then some.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has rallied Japanese to defend their territorial sovereignty, and he may succeed in reinterpreting the Japanese constitution to allow Japan to come to the military aid of its allies. The threat to the Senakakus has strengthened Tokyo’s alliance with Washington, with the two countries agreeing earlier this month to bolster their military ties, including the deployment of U.S. P-8 maritime surveillance planes in Japan and stationing a second missile-defense radar.

Japan has also strengthened its ties with Southeast Asia. Smaller regional powers have come to see Tokyo as a potential defender, along with the U.S., of the peace against a hegemonic Middle Kingdom.

In an interview with the Journal last week, Mr. Abe, fresh from a successful tour of the region, signalled his willingness to take up a greater leadership role and issued a warning to Beijing. “There are concerns that China is attempting to change the status quo by force, rather than by rule of law. But if China opts to take that path, then it won’t be able to emerge peacefully,” he said.

Mr. Abe’s remarks were followed by more clear-eyed talk from Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera, who on Tuesday accused China of endangering the peace by sending its coast guard vessels into the Senkaku waters more than once a week: “I believe the intrusions by China in the territorial waters around the Senkaku islands fall in the ‘grey zone’ (between) peacetime and an emergency situation.”

Japan has begun conducting amphibious exercises that simulate the kind of operations that might be needed to defend or retake the Senkakus. It is expected to create a new unit tasked with such missions.

The danger now is that the chances of accident, miscalculation or even a shooting incident grow with each Chinese foray near the islands. That’s what makes Japan’s demonstration of political resolve and military capability all the more important, but Japan cannot be left on its own. The U.S. took the Senkakus from Japan after World War II and returned them in the early 1970s, effectively settling the question of their sovereignty for American purposes. The more explicit the Obama Administration is that the Senkakus are Japanese, the likelier Beijing is to back down.

In the long term, there may be a possibility for Japan and China to resolve their differences by freezing the status quo and deferring resolution of the dispute to future generations. That was the view Deng Xiaoping had of the matter, and current leader Xi Jinping would do well to follow in those footsteps. The alternative is to further alienate China from its neighbors, and further call into doubt the promise—and the hope—that China’s rise will be peaceful.